While attention focuses on the restive northwest, southwest Balochistan has been a bloody battleground since 2005.
The men introduced themselves as Pakistani intelligence agents, and took Majeed and his friends into custody. While his friends were released soon after, Majeed, a student rights activist with the Baloch Students Organisation (BSO), was not.
That was June 8, 2009. Today, almost four years later, there remains no sign of Majeed, and, according to Baloch rights groups and his family, authorities refuse to officially disclose whether or not he was taken into their custody.
Majeed has become one of Pakistan's thousands of "missing people" - those who have mysteriously disappeared without a trace, whether picked up by armed groups or, as many families of victims allege, the government.
Balochistan on edge after sectarian killings
Muhammed Jan Baloch, 28, another BSO leader at the same university, says that Baloch are being targeted by the government for fighting for their rights.
"Thousands of Baloch have been disappeared, tortured and killed," he says. "If a Baloch is working against the state, then bring him before a court and charge him. We don't see this, however - we only see their bodies appear."
Javed Baloch says many activists feel they are being left with no choice but to take up arms against the government."We have tried all democratic routes - they have not worked. Our weapons are now our only defence."
A history of marginalisation
Balochistan, Pakistan's largest but least populous province - home to about 13 million of Pakistan's estimated 182 million people - is also its least economically developed. The province has the country's lowest growth record and worst infrastructure, along with its highest rates of poverty, lowest social indicators for health and education and lowest levels of satisfaction with government service delivery, according to a recent World Bank report.
Yet it is a province at the centre of Pakistan's main issues: nuclear weapon tests were carried out here in 1998; it is here that al-Qaeda's "Quetta Shura" leadership council is said to reside; and it was the cases of missing people in Balochistan that set up a judicial showdown between the Pakistani Supreme Court and then-president Pervez Musharraf, which culminated in the imposition of a state of emergency in 2007 and, eventually, Musharraf's resignation.
Rich in natural resources but poor in development, Balochistan's economy is based on mining - mainly coal, copper and gold - basic fruit and livestock farming, and the extraction of natural gas.
And it is on the issue of natural gas that ethnic Baloch - and ethnic Brahui who align themselves with the Baloch - take issue with the Pakistani state, accusing the federal government of extracting the province's natural wealth without providing a corresponding amount of funds on development projects.
Despite the gas from the Sui gas field powering Pakistan's economic development through most of the late 20th century, the villages near the field in the province's east, residents told Al Jazeera, remain not only without basic educational and health facilities, they do not even have natural gas utility connections.
The mindset of the establishment ... is to crush the Baloch people, to dominate them, to subjugate them.
Each uprising so far has been crushed by the Pakistani army, with the government terming them foreign-funded conspiracies against the nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The latest movement began in 2005, and escalated after the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti, a Baloch nationalist leader who had served as governor and chief minister of the province, but who had increasingly distanced himself from the central government and called for an independent Baloch state.
Bugti's death resulted in an escalation of the conflict with armed Baloch groups - notably the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) - stepping up attacks against security forces and non-Baloch citizens. In 2012, 690 civilians and 178 security forces personnel were killed.
The dumping of bodies of those disappeared began after the civilian government took over from Musharraf, who ruled Pakistan as military dictator and president from 1999 to 2008, says Bugti.
|Baloch leader Jehan Zeb Jamaldini [Asad Hashim/Al Jazeera]|
"The sense of deprivation has made the Baloch people incredibly pessimistic," says Jehan Zeb Jamaldini, a central leader of the Balochistan Nationalist Party-Mengal (BNP-M).
When these people who are raising slogans come into government, they will see the ground realities. It is very easy to raise slogans when you are outside government.
"People today cannot do their business in peace, they cannot send their children to school … There is no electricity. These are all the crises, and this is making people desperate enough to stand with those people who [have] called for separation."
The Pakistani government, for its part, denies it is depriving Baloch of either their rights or their natural resources without fair recompense.
According to the federal government, the Balochistan provincial government's budget is subsidised by the state, with expenditure outstripping revenue by a staggering 97 percent, $1.62bn, in the last fiscal year.
Nationalist leaders, however, consider that figure to be flawed.
"The federal government is not giving us anything - it is looting our province, and then giving us some of it back as charity," says Jamaldini, the BNP-M leader.
On disappearances, the government and security services deny involvement in kidnappings, and allege it is Baloch separatist groups that are responsible in order to justify escalating their own violence.
Durrani also alleges that armed Baloch groups receive financial support from unnamed international powers seeking to destabilise Pakistan.